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Vahakn N. Dadrian,
Director,
Genocide Research Project
Zoryan Institute
September 1999
Introduction
The Zoryan Institute has devoted itself to scholarly research on
many Armenian-related issues, including the Armenian genocide, since
its inception in 1982. Its members have always held the belief that
if the Institute produced solid, scientific, and innovative works
of scholarship, they would speak for themselves. However, in spite
of all the research, all of the documentation, all of the conferences,
and all of the publications produced by numerous organizations and
individualsincluding many not identified with Armenian interestsdemonstrating
that the mass murder of Armenians that took place during the years
1915-1923 was, indeed, the result of a premeditated plan of extermination
by the successive Turkish governments of the time, this has not
deterred present-day Turkish governments from continuing a long-standing
policy of actively denying it.1
Why, then, is the Zoryan Institute involving itself in directly
refuting acute denialism regarding the Armenian genocide at this
time? Three considerations make this denial especially problematic.
First, because the documentation of the Armenian genocide is inextricably
connected with the denial of the genocide by its perpetrators. Any
effort at documenting the Armenian genocide must confront the "Turkish
denial syndrome." That syndrome has now grown into what I have
described as "an industry of denial." In fact, genocide
denial is so prevalent that it is now becoming a field of study
in its own right. The relative success of genocide denial is contingent
on two factors: a) It takes advantage of our innate sense of fair
play and willingness to hear "both sides of the story."
The late Terence des Pres cogently diagnosed the pitfalls for scholarship
and for the quest for truth implicit in the manipulative adoption
of this principle of fairness by the apologists skillfully trying
to conceal rather than reveal the pertinent facts at issue here.2
There are others who think that when it comes to a crime such as
genocide, there can be no "other side." b) Denial does
not require any proof, only an assertion and a call for the "reassessment"
of history; the burden is on someone else to "disprove"
the assertion. Second, genocide denial may be ignored when it is
practiced by those who have no credibility and no external audience;
it is another matter when genocide denial is practiced by the government
of a powerful country and has as its target the governments of other
powerful and influential countries, with whom that government is
linked by bonds of political and military alliance. Third, the Zoryan
Institute takes seriously the value of the study of history and
the lessons the world has to learn from it. Genocide has become
such a recurrent phenomenon in the twentieth centuryand shows
no signs of abatingthat its study is very relevant to and
important for the world today. As Augustc Comte, the founder of
the discipline of Sociology almost two centuries ago, would say,
it is necessary to fully understand past genocides in order to be
able to predict future genocides, and it is necessary to be able
to predict future genocides in order to be able to prevent them.
The most recent manifestation of the Turkish denial syndrome was
triggered by an initiative of some sixty Congressmen in the United
States House of Representatives in April 1999 to pass a resolution
"to provide in a collection all United States records related
to the Armenian Genocide and the consequences of the failure to
enforce the judgments of the Turkish courts against the responsible
officials, and deliver the collection to the House International
Relations Committee, to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
for incorporation into its holdings of official documentation on
genocide and for purposes of public awareness and education, and
to the Armenian Genocide Museum in Yerevan, Armenia." After
enumerating eighteen findings affirming the historicity and importance
of remembering the Armenian genocide, the Resolution goes on to
require that the above be done "Within six months of the enactment
of this resolution...in an act documenting and affirming the United
States record of protest and recognition of this crime against humanity."
It is the collection of the National Archives, which contain the
World War I and post-World War I documentary records of the U.S.
State Department that are at issue here. That department was entrusted
with the task of collecting, through its officials stationed in
Turkey at the time, evidence on the decision-making, organization,
and implementation of the mass murder of the Ottoman Armenian population.
The Turkish government, through its ambassador in Washington, D.C.,
wrote a letter to all Congressmen, dated May 27, 1999, to which
was attached an eleven-page report titled "An Objective Look
At H.Res. 155," with a view to blocking the passage of a resolution
that proposes to utilize for purposes of research and scholarship
the holdings of a strictly American institution. (See Appendix 1
for the respective texts.) Finally, it must not be allowed to pass
without notice that the legislative process of the United States
Government is being interfered with by a foreign government, which
seeks to distort history for its own ignominious purposes.
One would think and hope that a government claiming to be infused
with democratic principles would only welcome such a resolution.
For decades now the world, especially the academic world, has been
told by successive Turkish governments that only solid and reliable
research based on primary sources and official documents can resolve
the ongoing dispute they themselves have generated about the Armenian
genocide. Obviously, and regrettably, the quest for truth in
this connection is, and remains, a hollow pretense. Indeed, a state
system that, for more than eighty years, has withheld authentic
material on this matter by selectively denying access to its own
archives, can hardly be expected to favor a Congressional Resolution
that proposes to reinvigorate the quest for truth by introducing
new mechanisms of access to primary sources and official documents.
What follows is an effort to examine the objections and sets of
allegations put forward in the lengthy Memorandum by the Turkish
ambassador, to demonstrate the spurious character of some of them,
and the untenable nature of most of them. In fact, practically all
of these objections and allegations are part and parcel of the standard
repertoire of Turkish denials that are repeated time after time,
blithely and almost ritualistically. It is as if none of them had
been effectively rebutted and discredited by eighty years of research
and publication.
This little book, by necessity, is only one small effort, but it
is a response that transcends the particularity of the present case
of denial and may well have application for other, future manifestations
of denial by Turkish authorities, their partisan advocates and agents.
For responses to specific Turkish allegations,
click here.
1
For examples of Turkish denial, see Vahakn N. Dadrian, "Ottoman
Archives and Denial of the Armenian Genocide," in The Armenian
Genocide: History, Politics, Ethics, ed. Richard G. Hovannisian (New
York: St. Martin's Press, 1992), pp. 280-310; Roger W. Smith, "Genocide
and Denial: The Armenian Case and Its Implications,1' Armenian Review
42, no. 1-165 (Spring 1989): 1-38; Roger W. Smith, "Denial of
the Armenian Genocide," in Genocide: A Critical Bibliographical
Review, Vol. 2, ed. Israel W. Charny (New York: Facts on File, 1991),
pp. 63-85; Richard G. Hovannisian, "The Armenian Genocide and
Patterns of Denial," in The Armenian Genocide in Perspective,
ed. Richard G. Hovannisian (New Brunswick, NJ and Oxford: Transaction
Books, 1986), pp. 111-133; Dennis R. Papazian, "Misplaced Credulity:
Contemporary Turkish Attempts to Refute the Armenian Genocide,"
Armenian Review 45, no. 177-178(1992): 185-213.
2 In an essay dealing with this issue, des Pres deplored the
subservience of a growing number of academics to the lures and rewards
of "power," at the expense of "the integrity of knowledge."
He wondered whether the deliberate misuse of the maxim that "there
are two sides to every issue" has not reduced it to a "gimmick"
to undermine and distort, rather than to "foster truth."
He went on to state: "We are told no genocide took place but
only a vague unfortunate mishap determined by imponderables like
time and change, the hazards of war, uncertain demographics. There
is a commonsense sound to the Turkish proposal.... [However,] Turkey's
denial of the Armenian disaster is backed by something larger than
mere doubt...." Terence des Pres, "On Governing Narratives:
The Turkish-
Armenian Case," The Yale Review 75 (October 1986): 518-519.
In a subsequent essay, he scorned the "increasing attempts
to suborn the academy....The issue, then, is whether or not we wish
to be menials, for at the very least scholars who spend their
resources defending the honor of nation-states serve something other
than truth." Idem, Introduction. Remembering Armenia,"
in The Armenian Genocide in Perspective, ed. RichardG. Hovannisian
(New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1986,) p. 15.
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